A variety of neurocognitive factors have been related to mathematical performance, including processing speed, attention, working memory, language abilities and other executive skills.
Three key motivational and emotional constructs—maths anxiety, self-efficacy and interest in mathematics—play a significant role in shaping students’ learning experiences and outcomes in mathematics.
Parental expectations, combined with attitudes and everyday practices, create a home environment that either promotes or constrains the development of early numeracy skills.
Working memory refers to the human capacity to encode, store, manipulate and recall information (Hall & Havelier, 2010). Working memory is a cognitive system that strongly relates to a person’s ability to reason with novel information and direct attention to goal-relevant information. According to the multicomponent model (Baddeley, 2000), the central executive is a control system of limited attentional capacity that is responsible for the manipulation of information within working memory and for controlling two subsidiary storage systems: a phonological loop and a visuospatial sketchpad. The fourth component is episodic buffer, which is assumed to be a limited capacity store that is capable of multidimensional coding. This allows the binding of information to create integrated episodes.
Working memory capacity increases from preschool through the elementary school years, and it has been shown to be a significant predictor of children’s academic achievement in general and maths achievement specifically (Raghubar & Barnes, 2017). This is quite natural, as mathematics often involves the simultaneous short-term storage and processing of information, for example, when listing numbers in reverse order. Working memory is an important predictor of several early numeracy skills, including set comparison, number order and non-symbolic arithmetic (Purpura & Ganley, 2014). Bull et al. (2008) found that visual working memory predicted growth specific to maths achievement in early school grades. Furthermore, relationships between working memory and school-aged maths skills appear to be particularly strong for children with maths difficulties in the context of comorbid neurodevelopmental disorders (Peng et al., 2016).
According to Miyake et al.’s (2000) model, in addition to working memory, attentional shifting and inhibition are two other components of executive functions. Their role in the development of mathematical skills is somewhat less clear compared to working memory, as previous research has been inconsistent. However, the ability to concentrate on given instruction and tasks and to suppress distracting information has been proposed as important for learning mathematics. When learning mathematics, children are often required to engage in sustained attention and complete independent work (e.g. worksheets) (DuPaul and Stoner, 2003). Inhibitory control of cognition has been suggested to play a crucial role in children’s mathematical development. Cognitive inhibition helps children suppress incorrect or automatic responses and select appropriate strategies for solving arithmetic problems (e.g. Gilmore et al., 2015).
Language is a strong predictor of several early numeracy skills, including number identification, cardinality, number comparison, number order and story problems (LeFevre et al., 2010; Purpura & Ganely, 2014). Children’s language skills are related to many aspects of early numeracy, which require children to know number names and demonstrate an understanding of terms such as ‘more’, ‘less’ and ‘equal to’ (Raghubar & Barnes, 2017). Fluent retrieval of verbal labels from long-term memory (i.e. verbal automatization) has been shown to be associated with mathematical skills. In particular, rapid serial naming fluency of familiar objects, symbols or quantities, or rapid automatized naming, has been found to predict arithmetic fluency (Huotari et al., 2024; Koponen et al., 2017).
The development of mathematical skills is influenced by a complex interplay of emotional, cognitive and motivational factors. Three key motivational and emotional constructs—maths anxiety, self-efficacy and interest in mathematics—play a significant role in shaping students’ learning experiences and outcomes in mathematics.
Maths anxiety refers to feelings of tension, apprehension or fear that interfere with maths performance (Richardson & Suinn, 1972). High levels of maths anxiety can lead to avoidance behaviours, reduced engagement and disrupted attentional and working memory processes, all of which hinder the acquisition and application of mathematical knowledge. Students experiencing maths anxiety may struggle with problem-solving and may be less likely to pursue advanced mathematics courses.
Self-efficacy in mathematics is the belief in one’s own ability to successfully perform mathematical tasks. High self-efficacy is associated with increased persistence, resilience in the face of challenges and willingness to engage with complex problems (Bandura, 1997). Students with strong maths self-efficacy are more likely to adopt effective learning strategies and demonstrate improved performance over time (Koponen et al., 2024; Peura et al., 2025).
Interest in mathematics serves as a motivational driver that encourages students to explore mathematical concepts, seek challenges and invest effort in learning. Interest can buffer against the negative effects of maths anxiety and enhance self-efficacy by fostering a positive emotional connection to the subject.
These three factors are interrelated. For example, increased self-efficacy can reduce maths anxiety and enhance interest, while high interest can motivate students to practice more, thereby improving their competence and confidence (Grigg et al., 2018). Conversely, high maths anxiety can diminish both interest and self-efficacy, creating a negative feedback loop that impedes skill development.
Environmental factors
The concept of home numeracy describes the ways in which parents can influence their children’s mathematical skills (Blevins-Knabe & Austin, 2016). LeFevre et al. (2009) suggested that for most children, early numeracy skills are acquired and mastered through everyday activities at home and in familiar environments. Most commonly, home numeracy has been operationalized as parent–child interactions involving numerical activities, such as the frequency of engaging in specific numerical tasks or the frequency of using numerical words during these activities. Some researchers have included additional indicators as part of home numeracy measures, such as parents’ academic expectations for their children (e.g. Kleemans et al., 2012) and parents’ attitudes towards mathematics (e.g. Skwarchuk et al., 2014).
Research indicates that the effectiveness of early numeracy development depends on the extent to which children are exposed to number-related experiences in their daily lives. Children who frequently engage in everyday number activities are more likely to develop numeracy skills with ease than those who have limited exposure to such experiences (LeFevre et al., 2009; Skwarchuk et al., 2014).
Beyond these everyday activities, the broader home environment plays a critical role in shaping children’s mathematical development. Mathematics-related talk, such as discussing quantities, comparing sizes or counting during routine tasks, provides children with rich opportunities to connect language and numerical concepts. Studies show that the frequency of parent–child maths talk during everyday interactions at home is associated with stronger early numeracy outcomes (e.g. Levine et al., 2010).
In addition, parents’ attitudes and emotions towards mathematics significantly influence children’s engagement and confidence. Positive attitudes and low levels of maths anxiety in parents tend to foster a supportive atmosphere in which children feel encouraged to explore mathematical ideas. Conversely, negative emotions or anxiety about maths can inadvertently limit the quality and frequency of maths-related interactions.
Finally, parental expectations regarding learning and schooling inform the emphasis placed on numeracy in the home. Parents who hold high but realistic expectations for their child’s academic success often provide more structured opportunities for learning and demonstrate persistence in supporting their child’s progress. These expectations, combined with attitudes and everyday practices, create a home environment that either promotes or constrains the development of early numeracy skills.
References
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